THE BOMBING OF THE ALFRED P. MURRAH FEDERAL BUILDING
Oklahoma City, April 19th, 1995
By Craig Roberts
Tulsa Police Department (Ret.)
September 4th, 1996
An Investigative Report
On Wednesday morning, April 19th, 1995, at approximately 9:04 a.m., Central Time, a huge explosion rocked downtown Oklahoma City. In the minutes and hours that followed, the world came to realize that the worst terrorist strike against a civilian target in history had occurred--in almost the geometric center of the United States.
What followed became one of the greatest investigations, and by far the greatest manhunt, in American history. Only the investigation following the assassination of President John F. Kennedy, and the manhunt for John Wilkes Booth after the assassination of President Abraham Lincoln come close. No resources were spared, and even though the prime suspect, former Army veteran Timothy McVeigh, was captured within eighty minutes of the blast seemingly "escaping" from the area through rural Oklahoma, law enforcement agencies pulled out all stops in an attempt to identify and locate other possible suspects.
At first, the original reports from witnesses described two "middle eastern males" in blue jumpsuits or jogging suits spotted in the immediate area of the Murrah building. The Media picked up on this lead, and with the FBI and international law enforcement agencies rapidly becoming involved, working feverishly to track any such suspects, a single middle-eastern male was apprehended in London at Heathrow Airport, allegedly with explosive materials in his luggage. He had left the U.S. earlier that day and came under immediate scrutiny due to description, age, timing and profile. But within twenty-four hours, he was discarded as a suspect and the media attention immediately shifted direction and focused on "right wing extremists."
Oddly, the media was evidently notified of an impending raid on a rural Michigan farm house to be conducted by federal agents. The resident of the farm was the brother of an acquaintance of Timothy McVeigh, who had been identified as he was about to make bond from the county jail in Perry, Oklahoma. He had been apprehended by an Oklahoma State Trooper as he sped north on an interstate highway just over an hour after the bombing. Strangely, his car had no license tag, and when he was stopped, even though armed, offered no resistance. Subsequent investigation led to Terry Nichols, then Nichols' brother James Nichols' farm in Michigan. At this point, a raid to serve a search warrant which should have been low key to media exposure, became a major media event. Network cameras arrived with the raid force and set up nearby, using telephoto lenses to record the entry and perimeter teams as they moved into position and proceeded with their search. During this "event" the various news commentators made numerous references to McVeigh's alleged "ties" with the Michigan Militia--described as "an extreme Right Wing fringe radical group."
From this point on, both the investigation and the media centered their enquiries on various right wing organizations, ranging from the Ku Klux Klan and other White-supremacist groups, to the NRA and Christian Coalition.
It rapidly became obvious that the media was being directed, and was not reporting impartially. When independent investigators began to trace the origins of the media--and henceforth the government--focus on the Right Wing (and especially Constitutionalist paramilitary groups and so-called "militia" organizations), what was discovered was self-explanatory. The so-called "experts" in the field of tracking "hate groups" that were feeding the media centered on two organizations: the Anti-Defamation League (ADL) of the B'nai B'rith (described by other Jewish organizations as extremely Left Wing), and the very liberal Southern Poverty Law Center, a left wing self-appointed watchdog group. It began to become apparent that these two organizations were using the event in Oklahoma City to their own ends, and to further their own agenda. Evidence of this became apparent as certain liberal politicians began a massive onslaught through the media against various paramilitary groups, so-called militias, "hate groups," and often Conservative, religious, and Constitutionalist groups in general--including the National Rifle Association, who one reporter attempted to link directly to the bombing by being financially involved.
Meanwhile, the investigation increased in intensity as witnesses were interviewed in various states. From the truck rental in Kansas where McVeigh rented the Ryder truck, a composite drawing was made of another individual: John Doe #2. A nationwide manhunt ensued, eventually running down suspects from California to North Carolina, the Great Lakes to the Gulf of Mexico. Still, even though backed by a $2 million reward and hundreds of telephone call takers, law enforcement officers failed to develop but a few significant leads--one leading to Kingman, Arizona, and a third co-conspirator: Michael Fortier, an old army buddy of McVeigh's and Nichols. But Fortier was not John Doe #2, and this portion of the investigation ended when a soldier on leave from Fort Riley, who vaguely resembled the JD-2 sketch, was located, identified, and released as a simple mistaken identity on the part of the witnesses at the Ryder rental. (These eye witnesses later stated that the FBI told them that they were mistaken, and that they felt they had been accurate in describing JD#2 WITH McVeigh that day, and not Todd Bunting as JD#2 the next day).
As the investigation continued, utilizing massive resources from local, state and federal law enforcement, plus independent investigators and investigative journalists, many discrepancies began to appear in the official scenario.
According to the official version of the event, McVeigh, a "radical Right Wing loose cannon," planned to attack the U.S. government in revenge for the Waco debacle. He selected the Murrah building after eliminating two other federal buildings in other cities, then proceeded to recruit Fortier and Terry Nichols to assist with the preparations. Allegedly using funds obtained by selling guns stolen in Arkansas (from an alleged ATF informant), McVeigh bought plastic barrels (blue in color), tons of ammonium nitrate fertilizer, detonation cord, primers, fuse, gallons of some type of fuel oil or diesel fuel, and rented the truck. He and Nichols then took all of this material to a remote location and mixed ammonium nitrate and fuel oil in the barrels inside the truck, wrapped them with det cord and time fuse, then McVeigh, by himself, drove the truck to Oklahoma City, parked it in front of the Murrah building, lit the fuse, then ran away to: (1) the yellow Mercury Marquis with no license plate, or (2) a brown GM pickup truck with a smoked glass bug shield on the front end, driven by a dark complected person. All of this was recorded by an video camera at the Regency Towers apartment building located on the outside west wall,(or a Southwestern Bell security camera) and the tape(s) was seized by the FBI and not released to the media, nor excerpts or still prints shown to the public to prove such a tape exists, or assuage any suspicions of a government coverup.
Discrepancies began to develop in the official version of the scenario, and within weeks the matter became extremely controversial in non-mainstream media such as the Internet, newsletters, independent radio shows, shortwave broadcasts, independent newspapers, and other forms of media not tied to the major networks in New York or Los Angeles.
It was at this point that this investigator began attempting to assemble the pieces of the puzzle into a logical pattern. Only by taking all of the information available, filtering out what definitely does not belong, then piecing the mosaic together can one draw a picture, albeit incomplete, of what may have happened. The remainder of this document is written utilizing myriad sources--some of unknown reliability, but many extremely reliable--and contacts both within and without of government circles at local, state and federal level.
Assuming there was a "conspiracy" involved, and that McVeigh and Nichols could not physically (by themselves) do all that had to be done in the time constraints of their activities from the time of the truck rental to the time of the explosion, there would have to be others involved. It would appear, from the information presented on the following pages, that McVeigh and Nichols may be only two members of a "field team" compartmentalized and organized in structured levels. This will be addressed in more detail at the end of this document after the reasoning for this conclusion has been presented. If this is the case, and the following information is even partially correct, the investigation is far from over.
And it goes much higher than McVeigh and Nichols.
Investigatory Techniques Used in this Investigation
What follows is an investigative report (to date) utilizing the standards of:
(1) Follow the money;
(2) Follow the power:
(3) Follow the players;
(4) Look for Linkages, Consistencies, Patterns, and Coincidences (even those that appear remote), and discrepancies that obviously create problems with a final synopsis;
(5) Look for, and attempt to establish, a motive;
(6) Determine who had the means to plan, conduct, and execute the crime, then have the power to possibly influence the resultant investigation;
(7) Observe the outcome of the investigation--was it complete? Did it answer all questions?
Shortly after the explosion in Oklahoma City, several events occurred almost simultaneously:
(1) As emergency services responded, two other "bombs" were discovered by investigators and the bomb technicians responded. The first "bomb" was discovered within minutes after the explosion as emergency workers began searching the interior of the building for victims and survivors, and the second within twenty minutes of the first. One was deactivated on site. The status of the second device was not broadcast over television. Both were described as "military canisters," or "devices." Later explanation would be that these were "training" devices left about by the ATF. This explanation did not satisfactorily explain why they were in different spots in the building, far from the ATF offices located on the top floor.
(2) Within a very short period (within the hour) it was announced that there had been a "car bomb," possibly filled with ammonium nitrate/fuel oil explosive mixture. But damage to the building, coupled with the size of the crater and secondary damage to surrounding structures, increased the explosive to "truck bomb size." Throughout the morning and into the afternoon, the truck grew in size from a 14 foot truck, to a 28 foot truck. The explosives grew from 1200 lbs to 2400 lbs, then 3200, then 4600. (What is disturbing about this is that in 1985, the IRA in London exploded a huge semi-truck filled with 45,000 lbs of ammonium nitrate/fuel oil explosive in front of a much older structure--a bank building--and the resultant damage was simply front windows being blown out and a much smaller crater in the street). Another example is the bombing of the Khobar Towers in Saudi Arabia wherein a tanker truck filled with an estimated 20-30,000 pounds of Semtex plastic high explosive did relatively less damage on a building that was not as bomb-resistant at the Murrah building.
(3) Within three hours, and after all personnel had been moved back from the building because of the discovery of additional bombs, a fireman on the sixth floor of the building (who did not evacuate) noted what appeared to be two military box ambulances--unmarked--back up near the building, and saw several men in black or dark fatigues carrying stretchers out to the ambulances from the lower floor or basement of the building. Many of the stretchers had boxes, which appeared to contain papers or documents, and one had what were described as "some type of shoulder-fired missiles or missile tubes."
(4) Many witnesses stated that they heard two distinct explosions, the second more powerful that the first. To back this up, two seismograms which recorded the "event" showed two distinct markings, approximately ten seconds apart, from two separate locations. A later explanation for this would be that the first event was the initial explosion, and the second was the building collapsing. Later charts, recorded when the building was demolished, refuted this, however. The remainder of the building, much larger than the destroyed section, made almost no marks on the graph when it fell.
(5) A video tape was reportedly discovered that showed the front of the Murrah building before the explosion, then the truck driving up, then the explosion. The truck was identified as a yellow Ryder truck. The first press release explained that the tape came from a nearby ATM machine. A separate press release was that it was from a Southwestern Bell security camera. The tape was seized and has not been shown to the media or general public, which initiated many people to speculate that it either did not exist, or that it did not portray what the media reported.
(6) Witnesses described two "middle eastern males" wearing blue jump suits or jogging suits "hanging around" the front of the building just before the explosion. These descriptions initiated the terrorist hunt that culminated with an apprehension in London--but was then discredited with little public explanation.
(7) Some witnesses described seeing a dark colored, unmarked helicopter, leaving the rooftop of the building a few minutes before the explosion. Oklahoma City Police Department's two McDonnell-Douglas helicopters (black and silver in color) were on the ground at their base at this time (I personally interviewed the pilot). They did not respond until after the explosion. The origin of this helicopter is unknown, nor are there indications that this lead was followed up on.
(8) The only identifiable part of the Ryder truck discovered is the rear axle, which instead of being blown down into the crater, was thrown two blocks away. This axle, originally identified as a GM part with a VIN number, was traced through Ryder in Florida, to a truck rental/body shop in Kansas. However, when GM stated that there are no ID numbers on their truck axles, the truck was changed to "Ford."
Other conflicts arose by the hour as other discrepancies occurred. As federal authorities switch tracks from Islamics to Right Wing radicals, and begin to trace McVeigh's movements and associates, outside organizations enter the picture and begin to point fingers at political rivals and enemies.
(1) The Anti-Defamation League (B’nai B’rith) and the Southern Poverty Law Center immediately begin feeding New York City-based media organizations, including the major news networks, "information" identifying various right wing groups as "hate groups" capable of inflaming such activities, and indeed possibly "linked" to the occurrence. Both organizations take every opportunity to lump Conservative organizations into the same group--from the White Aryan Resistance to the Christian Coalition, and the KKK to the NRA. As each news program and news magazine interview transpires, the public begins to notice more and more that the dialogue appears to be orchestrated, and that political agendas are being served--but only on the left wing. This makes many people suspect that the "government" is more involved in the bombing than the media is willing to expose.
The problem at this point for the observer, is the definition of "government." Anyone who suspects involvement by any governmental agent or agency, whether directly involved, or involved by omission or failure to properly perform an investigation, becomes "debunked" as a "conspiracy theorist." The problem with this, like lumping all right wing groups together, is that a conspiracy in this case does exists, with only the extent not known. Therefore there is no "theory." The issue then becomes this: Exactly who is involved, and why?
To answer this and other questions, the search must follow the previously listed tenets of a proper investigation. To follow the money, the power, and the players, requires a great deal of research into past political events wherein the same names seem to appear, linking events. Though some of what follows does not appear at first to relate to the Oklahoma City bombing, the reader must keep the information in mind as this report progresses to gain a full understanding of the ramifications--and possibilities--of the event. For this, the time-line begins in the 1980s.
When the focus of U.S. covert action paramilitary attention changed from Southeast Asia, to Iran, then back to Central America (where CIA paramilitary operations began in the 1950s), the covert intelligence community adopted the Nicaraguan "Contras" as fighters against Communism and the Marxist government of Nicaragua's Daniel Ortega. But with the Hatch Amendment of non-interference, the Agency and NSC ran into problems of finance. This was solved in the same manner as the financing of the Laotian campaign.
In Laos, during the 1960s and '70s, a huge cartel developed around opium trafficking. From the remote tribes of Meo/Hmong who grew the opium poppies, CIA front organizations such as Air America flew the raw opium to collection points within Laos (Long Tieng), then on to Vientienne, where it was processed into pure heroin at the Pepsi-Cola bottling plant (which never bottled any Pepsi). It then left the country through four routes: Hong Kong to San Francisco (picked up by Santo Trafficante's network for distribution inside the U.S.); Air Vietnam to Da Nang and Saigon by Nguyen Kao Ky's distribution network; Singapore to Australia to be handled by the Nugan Hand banking complex representatives; and Bangkok to Marseille, to be distributed by the Corsican Mafia. All proceeds were returned through the Nugan Hand banking complex, but much less actually went back into financing the war. It appears that the majority of the funds went into private accounts after being laundered through Nugan Hand. (See reports by the Christic Institute, and the works of Peter Dale Scott and Jonathan Marshall, plus Alfred McCoy)
After the fall of Vietnam and the U.S. extraction from Laos in 1975, U.S. policy attention shifted to Iran and the Middle East. The same players involved in Laos--and later Vietnam/Operation PHOENIX--showed up in Teheran and Isfahan, Iran (Theordore Shackley, Thomas Clines, Richard Secord, et al). These individuals, along with Edwin Wilson and Albert Hakim, were instrumental in setting up the Shah's secret police, the SAVAK, and in selling and trading military equipment and technology for cash and drugs. Two of the individuals involved at this point, Albert Hakim and Edwin P. Wilson, later formed EATSCO (Egyptian/Arab Trading and Supply Co.), which, among other things, became involved in the arms-for-hostages efforts of NSC, William Casey, Admiral Poindexter, Richard Secord, Oliver North and others.
After Iran fell to Khomeini and the fundamentalist Moslems, U.S. foreign attention shifted farther west, to Nicaragua. Again, the method of choice for financing the operations became drug trafficking. According to a former member of the CIA team (Terry Reed), it worked like this:
Cocaine from the Columbian cartels was flown to Panama, to a Panamanian air force base, where agents of Manual Noriega (including two Mossad bodyguard/agents, removed a percentage as their cut. It was then flown via Corporate Air Service, Ltd., to Illopango Air Force Base in El Salvador and split into three batches: One to be flown to Southern California, the second to Guadalajara, Mexico, where it was to be crated and trucked via land route to Texas, and the last to be flown to Mena, Arkansas, for further distribution. The carrier from Illopango on all three air legs was Miami-based Southern Air Transport, a CIA proprietary.
It is what happened in Mena that is of interest to this investigation.
Mena, Arkansas, 1982-?
According to former CIA operative Terry Reed (and other sources), cocaine was flown into Mena airport by "Enterprise" pilots coming in from Honduras and El Salvador (on some occasions, from Panama direct). The drugs were then offloaded, then loaded onto smaller aircraft for further distribution within the U.S. Almost all of these smaller airplanes, normally twin engine aircraft, were stolen from private airports and repainted with N numbers registered to similar type aircraft belonging to innocent owners.
According to Reed (author of "Compromised: Clinton, Bush and the CIA") and other sources, payoff money to Arkansas government officials was flown at night in what were called "green flights" and dropped in duffle bags on property owned by an associate of governor Bill Clinton. The money was then picked up and transported to Little Rock, where, according to Reed, it was laundered through the Rose Law Firm and ADFA (Arkansas Development Finance Authority). If Reed is correct, this sheds new light on what records Hillary Clinton and Vince Foster may have shredded in the "all night shredding session" at the Rose Law Firm. Reed goes into detail regarding the money laundering structure of Arkansas at the time.
About three weeks after the bombing I received a telephone call at the Tulsa Police Department from a man who stated that he would not give me his name, but that he worked for a federal investigative agency and was based in Little Rock. He said that the key to the bombing was the records that had been taken out of the building on Day One by the mysterious team who removed them from the basement. He said that they were the investigative records from his agency (who he would not identify) during the Iran/Contra affair on the drug connections revolving around Rich Mountain Aviation at the Mena Airport, and of the involvement of the Clintons and others in the affair, which included the lack of investigation from the Arkansas law enforcement agencies. He stated that the investigatory records were removed from Little Rock and moved to Oklahoma City (Murrah Building) for safe keeping while Clinton was president (Obviously there was fear they would disappear or be destroyed).
In my estimation, after extensively researching the Iran/Contra affair, it would appear the source worked for either the DEA or IRS. Both of these agencies did investigations of the Mena affair and its political connections. There was no call back number and the man never contacted me again. However, the fact that the rescue attempts were halted early in the day so that boxes of records could be removed adds weight to the claims made by the source.
A few months later I had occasion to interview a Tulsa Fire Department member who responded to the bombing on two occasions. The second he told me that he had witnessed, on Day Ten, a white Ryder type truck backed up to the post office one block from the Murrah Building, which had been damaged and shut down, and that fifty or so "SWAT guys" dressed in black with black hoods over their faces, carrying submachine guns, guarded the shipping dock while boxes were moved from the Post Office and loaded on the truck. When he asked his FBI escort what was happening, he was told they were "picking up undelivered mail."
The Iraqi Connection
Three items should be mentioned at this point that have not been approached by the media, nor by investigators.
At the end of the Gulf War, tons of captured enemy (Iraqi) equipment was captured by U.S. and allied forces. Allegedly, the majority of the light equipment, consisting of small arms, ammunition and explosives (Semtex and other military explosives), were clandestinely moved to a freighter, then transported to Port Arthur, Texas, where it was offloaded in Milvans or Conex boxes and transported to warehouses at Fort Sill, Oklahoma. The warehouses were taken out of military control, fenced off, and guarded by civilian contract security--reportedly Wackenhut.
Shortly thereafter, over 5,000 former Iraqi soldiers (mainly consisting of officers) were transported to this country by the Administration for "humanitarian purposes," and resettled at taxpayers expense. This created a massive stir in the veteran's organizations and was well publicized. One of the largest groupings of resettled former Iraqi soldiers, coincidentally, became Oklahoma City. This places the Iraqis who were experts in demolition (re: Kuwaiti oil field destruction) only sixty miles from the stored Semtex, cratering charges and other military explosives allegedly stored at Fort Sill.
The Question of ATF Foreknowledge
Several questions have been posed by various individuals concerning whether or not the Oklahoma City office of the ATF had a warning or foreknowledge of the bombing. Some local media sources have reported several items of interest, including:
(1) McVeigh was supposedly seen eating dinner three nights before the bombing with John Doe #2 (an Iraqi, later identified by witnesses as Hussein al Husseini, and al Husseini Hussein), a paid ATF informant, and an ATF agent. It was speculated that McVeigh might have also been a paid informant for the ATF, hence his wanderings at gunshows and visitations to militia meetings.
(2) John Doe #2, according to KFOR TV, Oklahoma City, is an Iraqi lieutenant who served in the Republican Guard during the Gulf War, from the resettled POW group, who lived in north Oklahoma City, and drove a brown pickup truck with smoked glass bug shield--matching the description of one of McVeigh's reported getaway vehicles.
(3) Another Ryder truck, according to media sources, was seen after the blast two blocks away in an alley still intact. The reporters were being escorted by Oklahoma City firemen around the perimeter, which had been cordoned off, when "a Ryder truck" was discovered. As they passed the truck, men in black fatigues with no markings came out of a building, got into the truck and drove away.
(4) KFOR TV news reported that a still photo leaked to their station from the seized video tape showed a UPS truck, not a Ryder truck, parked in the spot at 9:00.04. (It was later determined that the UPS truck left by 9:02, and two middle-eastern males, wearing blue jogging suits, who had been standing at the front door, then held the parking place and signaled McVeigh to drive the Ryder truck from where he was parked across from the Post Office awaiting a place to park—the two "blue jogging suit Arabs" then ran east to their parked brown GMC pickup truck and fled east at a high rate of speed).
(5) Several stations reported that on Day One the rescue operation was shut down for an extended period of time, and all rescuers were moved outside of the perimeter while "federal agents" came in and removed boxes of records/files for "national security reasons." When questioned, considering rescue efforts were still underway and people were still trapped under rubble, the FBI spokesman Gene Pogue stated "It's unfortunate." (Question: Could these be the missing Mena and Whitewater records moved from Little Rock?)
(6) In late August it was released that an "extra leg" had been found and could not be tied to any of the victims. The leg, complete with combat boot and camouflage trouser material, embedded with blue plastic fragments matching the "explosives barrels" allegedly used by McVeigh in the truck, supposedly was that of a black female. This does not match any of the known victims.
(8) KPOC television, Ponca City, Oklahoma, investigative team interviewed the truck rental in Kansas and discovered that McVeigh and another person--possibly John Doe #2--had rented the truck while a third person waited in the car outside. The third person was described as dark complected. They also discovered that McVeigh and two other people stopped at a coffee shop after visiting the truck rental and were all seen there by patrons.
(9) According to some media sources, the Oklahoma City office of the ATF was on an all-night stakeout the night before the bombing. What was the stakeout location? Was it possibly the Murrah building? If so, did the ATF have foreknowledge of the planned bombing and decide to make the "big arrest" when the bomber showed up? Was McVeigh actually the informant, working on the inside of the group?
(10) If the above (9) has any substance, something apparently went wrong. It has been speculated that the truck was supposed to arrive at 3:30 a.m., when the building was vacant. But McVeigh--or the driver, whoever it may have been--got lost and did not arrive until just before 9:00 a.m. The ATF, realizing by 6:30 a.m. that it was a "no show," had gone home. This would explain the lack of ATF agents in the office at the time of the blast.
Within 48 hours of the blast, the media shifted its attention to so-called Right Wing militias--described in the same sentence as "fringe radical hate groups." Extreme efforts were made by mainstream "reporters" to connect McVeigh with the militia movement, in particular the Michigan Militia. Though McVeigh may have attended one of their meetings, no one could remember him being there, and he later stated that he was never at one of their meetings and was not a member. Backtracking this series of events leads back to the Anti-Defamation League of the B'nai B'rith and the Southern Poverty Law Center--both of which have been designated "experts" on right wing and hate groups by the New York City-based mainstream media.
Anyone who has researched the militia movement and other non-paramilitary groups considered part of the "Patriot" movement, will quickly realize the ADL assertions are not only flawed, but appear to be highly slanted, inflated propaganda. The profile of those in these movements would match people who would guard the Federal buildings--not attack them. Instead of forming to overthrow the government, as the ADL suggests, they appear to form to be a local home-guard to resist unconstitutional moves by government officials. Such moves may be real or imagined, but the fear exists, thus the formation and growth of the movements. If such militia groups did have a target in mind for destruction, it would be something more along the lines of the United Nations building in New York City, which is considered a globalist threat to the US Constitution.
Following close in the aftermath of the bombing was a rapid resurgence of the Foreign and Domestic Terrorism Prevention Act, which had lain dormant previous to the event. One of the major proponents of the act, which increases federal agency capabilities to conduct surveillance, monitor paramilitary groups, and arrest for a myriad of crimes the same, was the ADL. What the investigator finds by looking closely at this fact is the diametrically opposed situation that arises. If the act is to identify, track, monitor and arrest domestic terrorists--AKA paramilitary groups and militia members--then the ADL would become a victim of sorts. The offshoot branch, or sister branch, is the JDL, or Jewish Defense League. The JDL, financed by the Mossad, has a large military training camp in upstate New York (Camp Jubel), which has been documented on video tape by major networks. The trainees undergo standard military training, wear uniforms, carry assault weapons and work with explosives. To understand a comparison between the ADL and JDL and their activities, parallels can be found between the Irish IRA (Provisional Brigade) and the Sein Fein. The IRA (Provos) are a secret military terrorist action arm, while the Sein Fein is the more open political action arm. It is the Sein Fein that publishes newsletters, makes speeches, conducts interviews and marches in political parades. It is the IRA that conducts military training, makes bombs, assassinates opponents, and conducts terrorist activities. One is the right arm, and one is the left of the same body.
Synopsis of this Report
As stated at the beginning, several questions had to be answered in an effort to further, if not complete, this investigation. One of the main questions was "Who Benefited?"
First, it becomes obvious that under close scrutiny, especially in light of the events that followed the bombing and the reactions of so-called Right Wing Radicals and militia types, that such an act was the worst thing that could have happened to them and their various "causes." Almost all that were interviewed were both shocked and enraged that anyone would perpetrate such an activity. Still, they became the focus of negative media attention for an extended period, and even investigated by a Congressional sub-committee concerning whether or not they were a "threat to national security."
In the end, not one "right wing" group benefited from the Oklahoma City bombing.
However, when the investigation into motives shifts to other possible benefactors, three main groupings seem to become apparent: (1) Drug traffickers and money launderers; (2) Radical Left Wing political organizations, and (3) Certain government bureaucracies currently under investigation. This last is added because it is one of the main focuses of attention by the various citizen's groups and organizations that consider such agencies as the BATF an out-of-control oppressive entity.
The question is in what way to these various entities benefit?
Drug Traffickers and Money Launderers:
(1) If the records from the Mena drug smuggling were moved to the Murrah building from Little Rock (or duplicates kept there after originals were destroyed or disappeared), then it would prove very beneficial to those about to come under congressional investigation in the following month to have those records destroyed, or seized and moved for later destruction.
(2) If records implicated Arkansas and international companies that hold ties to covert paramilitary operations (such as Iran/Contra and international drug smuggling), both past and present, then a covert action activity to destroy or "capture" the records is not out of the question.
The " Elohim City" Connection
During the course of the investigation information surfaced regarding records indicating McVeigh made at least two telephone calls to a covenant community on the Arkansas/Oklahoma border known as "Elohim City." Investigation into this matter produced the following information:
McVeigh met a member of the Elohim City group at a gunshow, possibly in Tulsa. This member was a German national named Andreas Strassmeir. "Andy" Strassmeir is an interesting character, as he managed to enter the U.S. without a place to stay, and succeeded in living in this country, with no means of support, for four years on a six month visa unmolested by the INS. It has been determined that the federal agencies knew of Strassmeir's presence, however were not interested in apprehending or deporting him. In fact, the BATF office in Tulsa was prohibited from arresting Strassmeir by pressure brought from the FBI.
Strassmeir was the "security officer" for Elohim City, a covenant community founded by a Robert Millar (WM-66). Millar's small group accepts offshoot Christian Identity separatists and others indicating a desire to join their community whose beliefs do not conflict with their own. In the past those who would not conform to their doctrine were evicted from their community. It appears, however, that the group became subject to close scrutiny in the following manner.
Strassmeir lived on a credit card for four years, without having to make payments. He is the son of Gunther Strassmeir, the assistant secretary of state under Helmut Kohl for Germany. He is also reportedly a member of the Mossad-trained GSG-9, the German anti-terrorist police formed after the Munich massacre, and had served in the German army as a lieutenant in the elite Panzer Grenadiers, and worked in military intelligence. It has been reported that Strassmeir was sent into this country to infiltrate neo-Nazi and White Supremacist groups (including the KKK, which is also an ADL/Mossad/SPLC objective). He did this by using neo-Nazi contacts in Germany to "introduce" him to leaders in the White Aryan Resistance (WAR) movement, including Tulsan KKK member Dennis Mahon. It is unknown at this time how the connection was made with the Elohim City separatists, but he eventually ended up infiltrating their organization and establishing himself as a military and weapons expert. In this capacity he convinced the residents that they had to form a "militia" for self defense, that the government would make them the next Waco, and had to trade their hunting firearms for military-style weapons, then proceeded to teach them martial arts, military tactics and marksmanship. It should be noted at this time that the actual leader of the community was a former Covenant, Sword and Arm of the Lord (CSA) leader named James Ellison. Ellison served as state's witness against the main CSA leader, Richard Wayne Snell, and thirteen other "White Supremacists" who went to trial for sedition and the killing of an Arkansas state trooper in 1988. Note that Richard Snell was executed on April 19th, 1995—the same day the Murrah building was bombed. Ellison married Millar's 14 year-old daughter and effectively took control of the community, using Strassmeir as "security chief." It should also be noted at this point that Ellison and Snell had made statements as early as 1984 that they "planned to blow up a federal building."
Strassmeir left the country about eight weeks after the bombing, just after a connection was made through telephone record searches of McVeigh's activities showed that he called Elohim City looking for Andy Strassmeir. According to information received on 27 January, 1996, McVeigh was making contact with Strassmeir. The connection between McVeigh, Strassmeir, and GSG-9 now becomes apparent. The questions at this point are: (1) Was Strassmeir more than an intelligence gatherer, and was he an "agent provocateur"? (2) Was Strassmeir McViegh's "control"? (3) Was the GSG-9 or German intelligence working, as in the past, with the Mossad (and subsequently the ADL) to gather intelligence on neo-Nazis, WAR, KKK and etc.? and (4) Was the information developed by Strassmeir relayed to federal agencies to conduct a sting operation that ended up going bad when a surveillance effort failed to stop the bombing?
It should be kept in mind that there are several Arkansas connections. Among these are: (1) Elohim City is near the Arkansas/Oklahoma border, not far from Mena; (2) WAR has a large following in western and northwestern Arkansas; (3) CSA had its "compound" in the area and its federal trial in Fort Smith; (4) A license tag found near the point McVeigh was stopped on the same highway (95 Arkansas PTA-811—a white tag) had been stolen from Fort Smith a few days before the bombing (and soon after being reported as found disappeared from the computer records in Arkansas and NCIC); (5) McVeigh allegedly stole guns from a person in the Fort Smith area. It should also be remembered that Mena is in the region, and was selected as a gun and drug running airhead because of its remoteness and the "leave us alone" attitude of the local residents.
The Mexican Connection
Shortly after the Murrah bombing, I received information (May 8, 1995) from sources in Texas that a subject named "Arbego Garcia or Garcia Arbego" (spelling unknown at the time) was involved in the bombing as a "cash provider" for the event. The source said that "Arbego" sent two Mexican nationals to Oklahoma City with a satchel full of cash to help finance the bombing. "Arbego" was allegedly a Mexican Mafia chieftan involved in the cocaine and heroin trafficking through Mexico from Guadalajara to Texas. He allegedly was the ground transportation link during the Iran/Contra Mena affair. He was still involved and allegedly had inside sources with the Governor’s office (Ann Richardson, who served from 1/15/91 to 1/17/95), including contacts within the Texas National Guard senior staff who provided information on where the border was not guarded by JTF-6).
I forwarded this information to both the FBI (Tulsa) and the DEA (Oklahoma—Tulsa office) and asked for each to check their files and/or computers, using various spellings, to see if they had heard of such an individual. Neither replied back that they had knowledge of this individual and no further action was taken. [Author's note: In actual fact, the FBI's response was that as far as they knew, no such person existed because "we don't know him. Never heard of him."]
On May 9th, 1995, I followed up the original information with a memo containing all information I received from my source, who was relaying it from a former Texas law enforcement officer who had investigated "Arbego" and several high ranking Texas government officials, and who subsequently testified against them. These officials included a high ranking Texas national guard officer on state staff, and two relations—all of which had extensive special ops training, which allegedly included service in the PHOENIX assassination program conducted in the later years of the Vietnam war.
Later information arrived, with the source now using proper spelling, that (quoting): "Abrego's contact in Texas was a former Colonel...There are three brothers in this particular family. All three had special ops training, were involved in Project Phoenix...one or more involved with the 'Company.' One or more were on a Wet Team...One is or was a professor at Rice University. Two are, or were, fugitives. These boys are the link to Abrego and Texas. Very bad. Abrego probably set up to silence him like Noriega. He was part of same drug importation ring during Iran/Contra and after. Clinton's boys and committee followers have got to get rid of the main contacts to the Mena mess and anyone so associated." I gave this information to the Tulsa FBI office and did not hear anything more regarding the report.
On Tuesday, January 17th, 1996, Juan Garcia Abrego, 51, was extradited from Mexico, where he was arrested in Monterrey on Sunday, January 15th, to Houston to face federal charges of smuggling billions of dollars worth of cocaine into the U.S. Facing a 20 count indictment, he was arraigned on February 2nd. During the arraignment testimony indicated that Abrego's network smuggled $20 billion worth of cocaine into the U.S. every year, and budgeted $50 million to bribe U.S. officials. The source indicated that even the Texas governor's office was involved in taking bribe money.
Abrego was involved in the Iran/Contra drug smuggling operation that had entry points in Los Angeles (via CIA-sponsored Contra officers to LA street gangs for further dispersal); Mena, Arkansas; Omaha, Nebraska; and other cities in the midwest (via the Abrego land route) such as Houston, Dallas, Oklahoma City, etc.
Abrego is a member of the Columbian Cali cartel, which shipped 30% of the cocaine used in the U.S.
Abrego was number three on the FBI's "Ten Most Wanted" list since March of 1995—a month before the Murrah bombing and almost two months previous to my original enquiry to the DEA and FBI in which I was told that Abrego did not exist!
On Monday following the Abrego extradition, I obtained a wanted poster from the post office showing Abrego as being wanted by the FBI. I also retrieved copies of my two memos that I had submitted on Abrego. I took all to the FBI office and asked my POC "do you remember when I wrote these memos?" I handed him the copies, which he examined and responded with "yeah, but there wasn’t anything to them." I then handed him Abrego’s FBI wanted poster and said, "well, then you need to un-extradite Abrego back to Mexico then. If he didn’t exist last year, when he was already on your ten most wanted list, then he doesn’t exist now." (This effectively ended my cooperation with the Bureau due to the Black Hole Effect, and the lack for forthrightness on their part in this investigation).
It has now been alleged that the records in the Murrah building that were salvaged for reasons of "national security" on Day One may have tied Abrego in with the Mena drug smuggling—along with "other" players up to, and including, the highest levels of government.
It should be noted that former CIA Chief of Station Theodore Shackley, who (with his assistant Thomas Clines) set up the Laotian heroin smuggling operation in Laos during the war in Southeast Asia, now lives in Bogota, Columbia, and is rumored in intelligence circles to be responsible for forming the Cali and Medillin cartels for the purposes of smuggling cocaine and marijuana into the U.S. to support certain compartmentalized CIA covert operators with a source for black funding. The route of smuggling cocaine and marijuana by the "Enterprise" as it was called at the time, was from Bogota, to Panama (where Manual Noriega and Mossad agent Amiram Nir and Israeli colonel Michael Harare took their respective cuts), to Illopango Air Base in El Salvador, where it was divided into three routings. These routings took the drugs via air to the Los Angeles area, Mena, and to Guadalajara. The drugs at Guadalajara were then transported by truck in crates stenciled "machine tools" to Matamoros, Mexico, then across the border to Brownsville, Texas. Abrego handled this route. Abrego, therefore, can be considered part of the "Mena Connection."
The Cebu City Connection and Nichols' Expenditures
It has been reported that in the two years leading up to the bombing, suspect Nichols expended in excess of $60,000 in expenses traveling to the Philippines. His destination was Manila, and Cebu City, on the island of Cebu. Cebu is the home of international terrorism in the western Pacific, and includes cells of communist, anti-communist, and Islamic terrorists.
After Nichols' arrest, he left a note to his Filipino wife to look behind a false back of a dresser drawer for an envelope. The contents were hers to keep. The contents proved to be $20,000 in cash.
Nichols had no consistent means of income during that period, and allegedly received this money from McVeigh—who had no job. McVeigh was obviously receiving funding from an outside source, which appears to be a typical "black bag" operation. $80,000 is far more than the duo would have received in trafficking in stolen guns from a single burglary, even if the burglary had occurred.
Left Wing Political Action Groups/Entities
(1) Such an event would provide a great boost to sagging liberal policy, considering what has happened since November, 1994. When the power shifted in Congress from the Left to the Right, many things began to happen. One of these was the second look at portions of the Omnibus Crime Bill (such as the ban on so-called assault weapons), the Brady Law, and other previous liberal victories. With the exception of a handful of liberal congressmen and senators, the attack on the NRA, the Christian Coalition, and other conservative groups slowed in intensity to virtually a trickle of what had previously been on the agenda. But immediately after the bombing, this attack renewed its strength.
(2) The dormant Anti-Terrorism bill was revived, inflated, and put on the fast track to passage--a mainstream liberal objective.
(3) Focus of attention shifted from investigations into Whitewater, Waco, Ruby Ridge, Mena, ATF conduct, and the death of Vincent Foster--all originally scheduled to begin congressional investigations four weeks after OKC--to "more pressing issues."
(4) Media preparation of the "mind of the public" to accept laws that infringe on the Constitution and Bill of Rights. Shortly after the bombing several polls were conducted asking the question: "How many of your rights would you be willing to give up to be secure from terrorism?"
(5) A new "Barbarian at the Gate" in the form of "militias" was created in the media, giving citizens a "domestic threat" to worry about. This follows the typical Hegelian Principle of creating a problem to force a solution not readily accepted by the subject previous to creation of the problem. As an example, one can observe the media and politicians connect guns and drugs. Drugs, according to them, are the problem--but the solution is to take away the guns. This obviously has little, if any, correlation, but the end objective is to use the "drug problem" as a means of reducing the number of firearms in the hands of the citizenry.
(6) Anti-Defamation League and Southern Poverty Law Center benefited by utilizing the media to draw attention to their causes, attack their perceived "enemies"--the ADL-identified "hate groups"--and bolster their liberal following (and possibly their financial contributions and increasing sales of subscriptions to their "watchdog" newsletters).
Government Bureaucracies Under Investigation (Cuoi Bono?)
(It would be remiss to not mention those government bureaucracies and sub-organizations suspected by many citizens as benefactors of the bombing)
(1) Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco and Firearms: The BATF, after the failed raid at Waco, the Ruby Ridge debacle (which cost the government/taxpayers $3.5 million), and other reported "abuses of power," was to come under government/congressional investigation in the summer months. Steps were even being considered to disband the BATF. Also to occur the May were the scheduled Waco hearings. If the story of the stake-out on the Murrah building to "catch the bomber" has substance, and due to timing such did not occur and the bomb did explode after the AFT went off duty, it would be extremely awkward for ATF personnel to come forward in the aftermath and explain why they issued no warning to other agencies and building occupants. Also, the existence of a surveillance photograph of the UPS truck parked in front of the building before the Ryder truck arrived shows that someone definitely had foreknowledge since there was a stakeout underway at the time. (Photo was blown up and shown in court in Tulsa by bombing victim Ramona McDonald)
(2) FBI: The FBI would not have benefited. FBI did not have an office in the building. FBI investigated Iran/Contra and the Mena affair, and destruction or loss of such documents would have been detrimental.
(3) DEA: DEA would not have benefited. DEA investigated the Mena affair, and went to great lengths to protect their sources and documents for later use. Destruction or loss of these documents would have been detrimental.
(4) Clinton Administration: Would have benefited if the records were those that would tie them to the Iran/Contra drug smuggling and money laundering.
(5) CIA: Certain individuals with connections to the Central Intelligence Agency and its connections to the Iran/Contra affair would benefit if such records disappeared.
(6) Left Wing: Would benefit by using the event to further their agenda against firearms, privacy, and other Constitutional rights.
(7) Southern Poverty Law Center: Would benefit financially by using the event as a cause celebre, adding it to a list of events and organizations that would instill fear in ethnic groups that subscribe to their newletters and publications.
(8) Anti-Defamation League of the B’nai B’rith: Surprisingly, the ADL would have been one to take up the banner regarding the Arab/Middle Eastern connection. As an arm of the Mossad, it would have made sense for them to scream that Islamic terrorists, who are the enemy of Israel, are now operating in the US. Instead, they helped divert the investigation away from the Islamic connections, including Nichols trips to the Philippines. This could be because of the Michael Harrare/Amiram Nir Mossad connections to Noriega and Iran/Contra drug smuggling.
It should be apparent to the investigator that McVeigh and Nichols, virtually unassisted, could not have planned, provided for, and executed the bombing by themselves. Much has been written by explosives experts and professional investigators concerning the lack of capability of the single truck bomb, containing only 4600 pounds of AN explosive mixture, to do the damage that was accomplished, and the inability of one or two individuals to mix so many barrels of ammonium nitrate by hand at some obscure park in Kansas without being noticed, or within the time frame allowed.
Little is known about McVeigh's activities since he left the Army in 1992. It is possible that he was identified by a "recruiter" during his military service during the Gulf War, and was subsequently recruited into the covert intelligence community.
If this is the case, then it becomes apparent that many "theories" concerning the OKC bombing appear more valid. Examples: There were military high-explosive devices inside the building; McVeigh was working with the BATF to help apprehend the actual "bombers"; a contract "wet-team" organized and executed the bombing to destroy records, inflame public sentiment for political expediency, and embarrass the conservative politicians in power in Congress; drug trafficking and money laundering by the covert intelligence organizations would not be exposed by hard evidence; and other theories and items of suspicion.
The end result is that it appears that other, much higher entities than McVeigh and Nichols are involved.
The investigation is not being handled properly. Several good leads and solid suspects have not been followed. It appears there is a block on investigating any middle eastern or Philippine connections to the bombing in regards to the FBI from the highest levels. I have been told by FBI personnel that they "can’t" investigate the middle eastern suspects, as Washington (Clinton) has declared "there is no middle eastern connection." In my opinion, the federal agencies involved on-site are now involved in damage control and not investigating, per se.
The investigation should not stop, or even slow down, with the apprehension of McVeigh and Nichols as the only suspects. With leads into the Right Wing, Christian, Constitutionalist, Militia, Patriot, NRA, Conservative, and other groups not developing anything of substance, it is now time to explore the other side of the political spectrum.
One cannot disregard the initial thrust of the investigation linking a middle-eastern connection to the bombing. It has been determined since the event that a "holy Jihad" has been declared against the United States, and that orders have been given to various Hamas, Hizbollah and Islamic Jihad cells in this country to "bring down towers, buildings of finance, buildings with women and children, and other targets" to show the "infidels" that no one is safe from the Jihad. This Jihad can be traced to three countries: Iran, Iraq, and Libya—all supported by clandestine Russian advisors. In fact, a taped interview I conducted in Dallas with one Ischelle Torres of Nicaragua, the daughter of a Russian serving as a Palestine Liberation Organization officer exposed the fact that a major PLO office exists in Mexico City, and that many PLO and middle eastern males passed through the office on their way to America to participate in the Jihad. She stated that they were taught by the Russians, equipped by Islamic Jihad organizations, then sent to destroy buildings and other targets. She also said that the Russians told them to "use American neo-fascists to do the jobs, so they get the blame." When questioned, she explained that the Russians called American neo-Nazis neo-Fascists.
The end result, whether it was a covert operation to destroy records and inflame the public, or an attack by Islamic Jihad terrorists, or a combination of both, is that it appears that other, much higher entities than McVeigh and Nichols are involved.
The investigation should not stop, or even slow down, with the apprehension of McVeigh and Nichols as the only suspects. With leads into the Right Wing, Christian, Constitutionalist, Militia, Patriot, NRA, Conservative, and other groups—with the exception of WAR and the Elohim City/Strassmeir connection—not developing anything of substance, it is now time to explore the other side of the political spectrum.
It is the opinion of this writer that the investigation is far from over.
END OF REPORT
(Note: See related article "The Strange Death of Terry Yeakey")